The Institute of Modern Russia completes a series of articles on the Kremlin’s propaganda machine created to support the regime both internally and beyond its borders. In the first and second installments we spoke about systemic propaganda tools. The third installment will focus on more specialized instruments—structures that may look like democratic institutions, but under closer scrutiny turn out to be empty simulations.
In late March, experts, lawyers, and the opposition were shocked by the insolence of a bill introduced to the State Duma. Document #243734-6 allows Russian citizens to demand compensation through the courts for “foreign courts’ unjust decisions” at the expense of Russian taxpayers. A part of the elite that is worried by the possible requisition of their foreign assets supports this questionable bill. Political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya ponders whether the Kremlin will accommodate these lobbyists.
On April 19–20, the Joint Baltic American National Committee (JBANC) held its 10th annual conference in Washington DC. The key topics of discussion included the deteriorating political and human rights situation in Russia, and the prospects for EU visa sanctions against Russian human rights abusers modeled on the US Magnitsky Act.
In April 1993, the first private notary license was issued in the Russian Federation. After decades of state monopoly, the country acquired a private practice notary system. According to IMR Advisor Ekaterina Mishina, a prominent legal expert, this reform was the most successful of all the reforms carried out in Russia in the last twenty years.
The role of “soft power” in international relations is growing. The creation of a positive image is becoming an integral part of a country’s foreign policy. This has been well understood by the leaders of BRICS countries. However, as IMR Advisor Boris Bruk points out, Russia’s current leadership is unlikely to improve its image in the world while it continues with its current policies.
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