In late August, the Ukrainian crisis entered a new phase. According to political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya, the freezing of the conflict in eastern Ukraine might seem like a victory for the Kremlin, but in a broader perspective, it means that Moscow is in fact failing to achieve its geopolitical goal of restraining NATO.
In late August the presidents of Ukraine and Russia, Petro Poroshenko and Vladimir Putin, met in Minsk. Donald N. Jensen, resident fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Studies, overviews the issues that were left on the table as peace was whispered about in the capital of Belarus.
Started 100 years ago, the First World War was one of the deadliest and most extensive military conflicts in the history of humankind. Tens of millions of people lost their lives, four empires ceased to exist, and new ones sprang into being in the aftermath of this war. Its echoes reverberate even to this day. The distinguished scholar Alexander Yanov reflects on the lessons of WWI.
In late August, Russian troops as good as started the invasion of the Ukrainian territory. Despite the Russians’ drastic escalation of the military conflict, the West has remained neutral with regard to Vladimir Putin’s aggressive policy. According to writer Alexander Podrabinek, the sooner Western leaders realize that this position is misguided, the lower the cost of reestablishing peace will be.
The Ukrainian crisis has once again kindled the flames of Russian separatism—a problem that has plagued the authorities for many years. On August 17, 2014, the so-called “March for the Federalization of Siberia” was supposed to take place in Novosibirsk, but it was forbidden from occurring by the local authorities. All articles covering the issue were retracted upon the request of Roskomnadzor, the Russian state media watchdog. Writer and journalist Alexander Podrabinek discusses which Russian regions have the potential to become breakaways.
The Institute of Modern Russia continues its series of articles by well-known scholar Alexander Yanov on the history of Russian nationalism in the USSR. In this essay, which will be published in two parts, the author tells the story of a dissident faction of the opposition nationalist wing—represented by Veche, a samizdat magazine—and Nikolai Danilevsky, the Pan-Slavism ideologue who became the torch-bearer for this movement.
The most recent public polls in Russia show an unprecedented increase in patriotism and support for president Vladimir Putin’s policies. At the same time, there is growing intolerance toward the opposition and hostility toward Western counties. Olga Melnikova, a Moscow-based journalist, observes that, under the influence of propaganda, many Russians seem to have developed something akin to Stockholm syndrome in their relationship to the government.
The results of several recently published public opinion polls have shown that Russia’s reputation abroad has drastically worsened. According to sociologists, this change has been caused by Russia’s aggressive policies toward Ukraine. At the same time, IMR advisor Boris Bruk notes, public sentiment inside Russia has moved in the opposite direction.
Since the beginning of 2014, the Kremlin’s campaign to put pressure on the country’s remaining independent media has picked up steam. The cancellation of the last relatively independent program on the Ren-TV channel, Week with Marianna Maksimovskaya, is the most recent example of this ongoing campaign. According to writer Alexander Podrabinek, the only way to oppose the Kremlin’s propaganda is by increasing access to alternative media and creating international TV channels that broadcast in the Russian language.
The Institute of Modern Russia continues its series of articles by well-known scholar Alexander Yanov on the history of Russian nationalism in the USSR. In this essay he writes about the consolidation of the right-wing opposition in its struggle against cosmopolitanism and its diminished enthusiasm as a result of the measures taken during the Brezhnev regime that followed.
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