The unbridled propaganda war waged around the Ukrainian crisis once again raises the question of independence of the media. According to journalist Alexander Podrabinek, the purging of information space could be avoided if the international community promptly and decisively reacted to the first signs of suppression of freedom of speech in Russia.
Russia’s revisionist foreign policy began to take shape long before its low-level war against Ukraine, or even its invasion of Georgia in 2008. As Donald N. Jensen, resident fellow of the Center for the Transatlantic Studies argues, Russia’s global aspirations are a challenge to liberal democracy. The West has refused to accept Russia as a great power, leaving it no alternative but to become an affiliate of the more sympathetic regimes of Eurasia.
Over the last few months, the Russian State Duma has been seriously involved in constitutional construction, working on the creation of new principles for forming the Federation Council, Russia’s second house of Parliament. Constitutional law expert and professor at the Higher School of Economics Juliana Demesheva analyzes the proposed changes from the point of view of their conformity with the principle of separation of powers.
The Institute of Modern Russia continues its series of articles by well-known historian Alexander Yanov on the history of Russian nationalism in the USSR. In this essay, he analyzes the ideological rationale of right-wing dissidents in the late 1960s, the mouthpiece of which was Young Guard magazine.
This year the seventieth anniversary of D-Day coincided with the G7 summit in Brussels. For the first time since 1997, world leaders met as the G7 rather than as the G8 following the exclusion of Russia from the group as a result of its invasion of Crimea. However, as Paris-based journalist Elena Servettaz notes, Vladimir Putin, who was present at the D-Day celebrations, still tried to steal the show to promote his policies.
The Ukrainian government announced on June 9 that it had reached a “mutual understanding” with Moscow on parts of a plan proposed by newly elected Ukrainian president Petro Poroshenko for ending violence in the volatile eastern part of the country. Donald Jensen, resident fellow of the Center for Transatlantic Studies, argues that despite conciliatory gestures from Moscow, the crisis is hardly headed for a prompt resolution.
The detention of civil society activists still continues two years after the May 6, 2012, demonstrations in Bolotnaya Square. Another series of arrests started in late May and have been labeled the “third Bolotnaya case.” According to writer and journalist Alexander Podrabinek, as long as Russia’s system of power remains unchanged, political repressions will continue to occur.
In late May, Russian president Vladimir Putin was in China on an official visit, the main result of which was the signing of a thirty-year contract to supply China with natural gas from Russia. Against the backdrop of Russia’s increasing isolation, this “Chinese turn” might look like a logical step; however, political analyst Tatyana Stanovaya argues that Moscow’s actions reinforce Russia’s status as a raw materials appendage and undermine its role in global politics.
The Institute of Modern Russia continues its series of articles by well-known historian Alexander Yanov on the history of Russian nationalism in the Soviet Union. In this essay, the author analyzes the ideology of VSKhSON—the All-Russian Social-Christian Union for the Liberation of the People.
On May 25 Ukraine held presidential elections to stabilize the country and resolve a serious political crisis. Political analyst Tatyana Stanovaya summarizes the outcome of these elections and analyzes the political challenges that face the president-elect.
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