The crisis in eastern Ukraine is still developing. The results of the referenda that took place on May 11 show that the majority of residents of the Luhansk and Donetsk regions support secession from Ukraine. According to political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya, unlike the Crimean referendum, the voting in Donetsk and Luhansk is a risky game, the outcome of which is still hard to predict.
In early May, Arkady Ponomarev, a member of the United Russia Party’s faction of the Russian State Duma, introduced a bill that would ban the dissemination of information that “distorts patriotism” among children. According to writer Alexander Podrabinek, teaching “correct” patriotism in schools will be accompanied by restrictions to any ideology alien to the current government.
The referendum that was held on the Crimea joining Russia, as well as the referenda on establishing Donetsk and Luhansk as “people’s republics,” raises the critical issue of the legitimacy of such separatist popular votes. Constitutional law expert and professor at the Higher School of Economics Juliana Demesheva explains the concept of a referendum and clarifies which referenda can be considered legitimate.
For its hasty issuance of poorly written laws, the Russian State Duma is often called a “mad printer.” According to writer and journalist Alexander Podrabinek, the current Russian parliament is made up of deputies whose only aims are to please the president and retain their deputy status.
The unpredictability of Russian president Vladimir Putin has long worried the Western world. But the problem has become particularly evident in the context of the Ukrainian crisis, during which the official position of the Kremlin has changed repeatedly. Political analyst Tatyana Stanovaya speculates on Putin’s plans for Ukraine.
The Institute of Modern Russia continues its series of articles by well-known historian Alexander Yanov dedicated to the history of Russian nationalism in the Soviet Union. In this essay, the author discusses the change of the cultural code in the 1960s and the revival of nationalism in Soviet Russia.
Today’s Russia is witnessing a lamentable but inevitable convergence of domestic and external aggression. The country’s expansion into Ukraine is accompanied by the adoption of new, repressive laws and increasing police crackdown on the political opposition and civic activists within Russia. According to author and analyst Alexander Podrabinek, given this familiar trajectory, Russian society should expect a further “tightening of the screws,” while the international community should prepare for new military conflicts with Moscow.
Speculation over the extent to which Russian president Vladimir Putin is disconnected from reality continues. In a recent interview with the Wall Street Journal, U.S. secretary of state John Kerry declared that Putin “is creating his own reality, and his own sort of world, divorced from a lot of what’s real on the ground for all those people, including people in his own country.” The Russian leader’s unpredictability frightens the global community. This is why, according to political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya, it is important to understand what Vladimir Putin’s “own sort of world” looks like.
On April 28, the United States imposed a new round of “smart” sanctions against Russian government officials and companies considered close to Vladimir Putin, including travel bans and asset freezes for seven Russian officials and asset freezes on seventeen Russian companies. According to Donald N. Jensen, resident fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations, though, these sanctions are still unlikely to work without being included in a broader Western pushback campaign.
In March, a pro-Kremlin TV commentator threatened to turn the U.S. into radioactive dust. It is clear, however, that there will be no escalation. The question remains unanswered: whom is the Kremlin trying to frighten? According to sociologist Poel Karp, the takeover of Crimea and the coming war in Ukraine are nothing but attempts by the ruling Russian elites at retaining power.
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