After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia began reshaping its legislative and executive branches of power. Judicial reform began two months before the USSR’s collapse, with the 1991 publication of “The Concept of Judicial Reform,” which emphasized the necessity for reform of criminal procedural legislation, especially since human rights needed maximum protection during the investigation and consideration of criminal cases in court. As a result of this activity, by the end of 1994, Russia had three competing drafts of the Criminal Procedural Code.
This essay's plot is simple. The Moscow Valdai Discussion Club, a forum for international experts to meet and debate issues relevant to contemporary Russia, recently released its report on the problems in the Russian Federation. Georgy Satarov, a former aide to President Yeltsin, was so outraged by this report that he sent the members of the Club a rather offensive open letter in which he claimed that the authors of the report "possess no intellectual or ethical virtues whatsoever." Satarov went on to reprimand the members of the Club – among them, respectable Russian and Western experts – warning them that by letting "political manipulators" take advantage of them, they put themselves at risk of tarnishing their fair names.
On December 16, Russia was finally — after 18 years of negotiations — admitted to the World Trade Organization. Though WTO membership was one of the key issues in Russia’s foreign policy agenda, the benefits of this deal are debatable. Some analysts estimate that Russia can gain at least $50 billion a year, while others argue that the country’s own inefficiency, endemic corruption and stifled competition will limit the investment inflow.
On December 24, around 100,000 Russians showed up for the second antigovernment demonstration in Moscow. While President Dmitry Medvedev’s proposal for political reforms may appear to signal an early victory for protesters, many experts argue that the proposed changes will not quell growing public discontent. Below, we consider possible outcomes of what some experts believe might turn into a full-blown revolution.
The recent politically-motivated art exhibit “Russian Visionaries. Into the Light,” sponsored by IMR and presented in New York, could not have been more timely. As the latest developments in Russia indicate, the opposition has indeed come “into the light.” The American and Russian media that covered the exhibition couldn’t agree more.
Last week a group of Russian judges and NGO members visited the U.S. During this trip, IMR's Olga Khvostunova spoke with Mikhail Fedotov, Chairman of the Presidential Council for Civil Society Development and Human Rights in the Russian Federation, about the problems of journalistic coverage of the judiciary, the Council’s work on the Magnitsky case, and the second YUKOS trial.
Prof. Ekaterina Mishina continues her analysis of difficult relationship between the Russian courts and the country's media.
In his recent The Wall Street Journal op-ed Andrei Piontkovsky emphasizes that there is no way to hold back the growing wave of protest in Russia. Below IMR reprints Piontkovsky’s answers to follow-up questions from WSJ readers.
On December 14, U.S. Congress held an open hearing on the state of human rights and the rule of law in Russia. Invited experts supported the country’s recent protests, and State Department officials indicated the possibility of a dialogue with Congress on the “Magnitsky Act.”
Unprecedented social activity in Russia during this week brought attention to the country’s political crisis from all over the world. Russian and foreign media closely followed the course of what might be the beginning of the ‘Russian spring’, while policy analysts attempted to assess the implications of this upheaval.
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