Within the last two weeks two prominent Russian journalists visited New York. One is Sergei Parkhomenko, former chief editor of Itogi magazine, currently the host of the "Sut' Sobyty" ("The Essence of Events") show on radio station Echo Moskvy. The other is Leonid Parfyonov, formerly the anchor of the program "Namedni" ("Recently") on NTV, now an independent filmmaker. The work of these two journalists has to a large extent shaped the landscape and the style of modern Russian journalism. The fact that neither is heading any of the major media outlets in the country is a sad commentary on the Putin era. The Kremlin-sanctioned attacks on the best editorial collectives were such dramatic events that they undermined, both institutionally and psychologically, the still fragile system of the Russian news media. Journalists were given a clear signal: the new regime would not tolerate criticism, dissent or disobedience.
Sergei Parkhomenko: “Today, Russian journalists have been driven to their knees”
A Sergei Parkhomenko event at NYU did not attract many people, and the majority of those who attended (mainly students) seemed to have only a vague idea about the guest from Russia. But this did not prevent the former chief editor of Itogi from giving a precise recital of the key events of Russia's political life.
“From 2000 and until this day, almost all the Russian mass media are operating under government control. The attacks that had been made on a regular basis during the last ten years had a pedagogical nature. The goal was to demonstrate in a harsh manner who is the master of this country,” Parkhomenko said explaining the reasons for destroying Itogi and NTV. “You have to keep in mind that all modern media are largely dependent on the economy and are very sensitive to the pressure that the government puts on business community. Today, the Russian news media is under such pressure that it has been driven to its knees,and the tightening of the screws continues.”
In a situation where there is a political vacuum and the news media is controlled, many journalists are forced to look for niches in the media market, away from politics, where they can work without betraying their professional and ethical principles. After leaving Itogi, Parkhomenko tried to publish Ezhenedelny Zhurnal (Weekly Magazine), first as a print version, then online. Later, he headed a monthly travel magazine Vokrug Sveta (Around the World). He also became a presenter of a radio show Sut' Sobyty at Ekho Moskvy (once a part of Media Most holding, later acquired by Gazprom Media).
“There is freedom of speech in Russia, but it's limited,” Parkhomenko pointed out. “Ekho Moskvy is a great example. Putin went to great lengths to demonstrate that he is the only person who decides whether this radio station should live or die. But at the same time I've been doing my show there since 2003, and have been freely saying anything that in my view needs to be said. He thinks that I'm a tool of his manipulations, while I believe it's the reverse. There are other oases of freedom of speech in the print media, but they are intentionally exempt from pressure, so that the Russian delegation can come to the UN General Assembly and report that we have opposition media in the country.”
The political events of the last 12 months drove Parkhomenko to join the leaders of the protest movement. The journalist explained his participation by saying that his children made him do it, as they were not at all excited by the prospect of Vladimir Putin ruling the country for twelve more years.
“Last year, when I left Vokrug Sveta, I was not planning to dedicate myself to politics,” Parkhomenko said. “I thought that finally I'd have time to write books. But three events have dramatically changed my plans: the so-called “castling” between Putin and Medvedev; the parliamentary elections of December 4th, 2011;and the presidential election of March 4th, 2012. Those elections were stolen, and that fact made many Russian citizens, who had been convinced for a long time that politics was none of their business, realize that this is not quite true. They realized that politics was in fact their business.”
Parkhomenko also clarified his status as a journalist who is participating in political activities by saying that he does not see himself as a politician, and has no plans to become a Duma deputy or hold a ministerial portfolio in the Russian government. “Today, the Russian protest movement has brought together many citizens who want to change the situation in their country. I am one of them.”
Leonid Parfyonov: “We live in the era of the renaissance of the Soviet antiquity”
Leonid Parfyonov's visit to New York coincided with the screening of his new film entitled God's Eye at the Festival of Russian Documentaries. He also met with students of Columbia University, and for this occasion the lecture room was full.
In contrast to Sergei Parkhomenko, who is actively participating in the protest movement and ran for election to the Russian Opposition Council, Leonid Parfyonov was skeptical about the very term “Russian opposition.” “Who do you call ’opposition?’” Parfyonov asked, turning the question back to the audience. “We don’t have a formally established opposition in the classical sense. We don’t have a party. Those who count themselves among the opposition do not represent the opinions of the passive majority. Those people may not approve the Russian government’s policies, but they are not ready to change anything.”
Among the reasons for the current situation, Parfyonov cited the lack of uniting factors not only in the protest movement, but in Russia overall. “Skolkovo and rural Russia represent different times, that are centuries apart,” he said and added as a joke that “we don’t have a united Russia, except for the one that is written in quotation marks.” (He was referring to the United Russia Party that under Russian punctuation rules is in fact written in quotation marks.) Parfyonov also mentioned the divisions in Russian society that are caused by the lack of common values shared by the majority, such as political pluralism, or a sense of belonging to the European family. “This divide is growing, and the polarization, even radicalization of the public is increasing, and it’s quite a dangerous trend. But it does not mean there will be something like an “Orthodox Iran” in the country.”
Speculating about the future of Russian politics, Parfyonov stated with confidence that the country could not escape the European path.,“A Russian does not look for self-realization in the crowd, as most Asians would do. Russians are even stronger individualists than Europeans. Especially the new generation – they are all oriented toward accomplishing their individual, personal projects.” At the same time, he emphasized that while he had been working on the Namedni series, he had a feeling that the subject of the program was about Russia moving back towards its Soviet past. Starting from the mid-2000’s, it became clear that the USSR cognitive matrix had been preserved in the public’s political and social consciousness. “Today, we are living in the era of Soviet antiquity’s renaissance, the prolongation of the period of the cult of the leader. The Russian masses still see themselves as part of the Soviet institutions, constantly retrogressing to Soviet forms of consciousness.”
Parfyonov thinks that there does not yet exist a critical mass of Russians who would want a different life. The Soviet dream of eliminating the consumer deficit has been realized, but a new dream has not yet been created. But a factor like a drastic drop in oil prices can change the situation, as happened in 1986 when it triggered the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Like Parkhomenko, Parfyonov mentioned that the Russian media had been debased, but he harshly criticized the idea of journalists turning into policy analysts. “The news media are going through a hard time now, and things like that can only make the current situation worse, they can lead to various mutations in journalism. You can end up having partisan journalism.”
In conclusion, Parfyonov again addressed the issue of uniting Russian citizens within the country, which is in essence the issue of the national idea. “The main wealth of Russia is not oil or gas, but its 140 million citizens, the country's human capital,” he said. “The key value is respect for the individual, the value that unites countries like Germany, England, and the U.S.”
Historical reference
Itogi, the weekly magazine, was headed by Sergei Parkomenko in 1997-2001. At the time it was published in partnership with Newsweek. Itogi was a part of the Media Most holding company, owned by the oligarch Vladimir Gusinsky. The company also included Segodnya (Today), a quality daily, NTV, NTV Plus, TNT TV channels, and many other media outlets. In 1997, the Russian Union of Journalists listed Itogi as the most influential weekly magazine in the country, and in 1999, The Guild of Press Publishers named it as a winner in a category “Best Quality in the Russian language.”
After Vladimir Putin came to power in 2000, the Russian media market started to change dramatically. In June 2000, Vladimir Gusinsky was arrested on a charge of a fraud. Later, he fled the country and found political asylum in Spain. Meanwhile, in 2001-2002, during the so called “argument of the two economic entities”, namely Media Most and Gazprom Media,the latter, a subsidiary of the Russian gas monopoly,acquired all the key assets that belonged to Gusinsky.
Thus, Itogi, where Parkhomenko was still chief editor, and NTV, where Leonid Parfyonov was an anchor, were taken over by Gazprom. By that time Parfyonov had already gained fame by creating and producing a series of TV programs called “Namedni 1961-1991” (later the period covered was extended till 2003). Namedni became a golden standard of TV production in Russia and a unique chronicle of the last 30 years of life in the Soviet Union. Parfyonov also came up with a specific style, a Russian version of “infotainment” – a serious TV show that included elements of entertainment documentary, cartoons, theatre, et al. Until now Parfyonov’s classic style of presenting the news is being copied and imitated by many Russian TV anchors and correspondents
In 2001, changes in the Media Most management resulted in conflicts with the editorial staff. Parkhomenko's team left Itogi, a large number of journalists resigned from NTV, including Evgeny Kisselev, Svetlana Sorokina, Mikhail Ossokin, Marianna Maksimovskaya. Leonid Parfyonov was among those few who stayed at NTV, only to be fired later, in 2004. The formal reason for his dismissal was a breach of his employment contract, but in reality it was his interview of the widow of a prominent Chechen separatist, Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev, who had been killed by the Russian special services in Qatar.
