Within the last two weeks two prominent Russian journalists visited New York. One is Sergei Parkhomenko, former chief editor of Itogi magazine, currently the host of the "Sut' Sobyty" ("The Essence of Events") show on radio station Echo Moskvy. The other is Leonid Parfyonov, formerly the anchor of the program "Namedni" ("Recently") on NTV, now an independent filmmaker. The work of these two journalists has to a large extent shaped the landscape and the style of modern Russian journalism. The fact that neither is heading any of the major media outlets in the country is a sad commentary on the Putin era. The Kremlin-sanctioned attacks on the best editorial collectives were such dramatic events that they undermined, both institutionally and psychologically, the still fragile system of the Russian news media. Journalists were given a clear signal: the new regime would not tolerate criticism, dissent or disobedience.
The Kremlin is persisting in its attempts to discredit the opposition in the eyes of Russia’s citizens by accusing it of working for “foreign sponsors” and preparing to seize power by force. According to IMR Advisor Vladimir Kara-Murza, however, the regime’s propaganda attack could backfire against those who initiated it.
In September, the Russian government started to actively discuss the country's 2013 draft budget. The key issue is how to reduce the gap between the state's social responsibilities and its financial resources. On the eve of the new political season IMR's Olga Khvostunova spoke with Sergei Guriev, President of the New Economic School, about the government's future economic policies and their impact on the country's political development.
The new amendments to the Russian Penal Code, which have already passed the first reading in the State Duma, significantly expand the definition of “high treason” and open the way for mass prosecutions of Kremlin opponents. According to IMR Advisor Vladimir Kara-Murza, these changes could herald a return to “Stalinist” justice in Russia.
The Russian opposition movement has a long and difficult fight ahead of it. Every citizen who continues the fight for fair elections in Russia, and believes that the current parliament does not adequately, if at all, represent their interest, can now take action by giving power of representation to a candidate or group of candidates of his/her choice. The Institute of Modern Russia invites all Russian citizens to play an active role in the upcoming election by voting online, at the Regional Electoral Committee located at IMR's Manhattan office or in Washington DC.
The ruling United Russia party has proposed appointing opposition members to the regional governments. Having failed to suppress the protest movement, it appears that the authorities have decided to offer “carrots” to some of its leaders. If history is any guide, this initiative is unlikely to affect the opposition – but it can destroy the reputations of the defectors.
The protest sentiments manifested in recent months at mass rallies across Russia have reached the halls of the State Duma which had long ceased to be a “place for discussion.” Just three opposition lawmakers – Gennady Gudkov, Dimitri Gudkov, and Ilya Ponomarev – restored the half-forgotten atmosphere of parliamentary debates to the Duma chamber. The authorities, not surprisingly, are not tolerating this situation: Gudkov Sr. has already been expelled from parliament, while Ponomarev has been deprived of the right to speak (so far, for one month). IMR Advisor Vladimir Kara-Murza discusses the prospects for dissent in the Russian legislature.
Earlier this August, a draft law banning government officials from owning real estate outside Russia or having offshore bank accounts was submitted to the State Duma. It seems that the bill has not been taken seriously by the officials, nor by the press, since, in Russia, similar restrictions have been traditionally evaded, and many government officials and deputies – with no fear of disclosure –are successfully combining business with public service. On the other hand, the media has reported, based on unofficial leaks, that Vladimir Putin issued a secret order requiring government officials to return their assets from abroad within a year. Those who disobey will be punished. Until now, foreign assets served as restraint on the road toward full-blown authoritarianism. Tatyana Stanovaya, IMR expert and the head of the Analytics Department of the Center for Political Technologies, discusses what could happen if this prohibition stands and whether the “end of Courchevel” (i.e. end of foreign property ownership) is will also be the end of Democratic Russia.
During the recent Asian Pacific Ocean Economic (APEC) summit, Russia marketed natural gas pipelines to Asia and the railway route from Asia to Europe. However, one may reasonably doubt the ability of Russian monopolies to execute such ambitious projects. Recent news about Russian Railways reveals a deep crisis within the company, while Gazprom’s high current profits mask the collapse of its long-term strategy. According to IMR economic advisor, Igor Booth, these two Russian giants, in order to reach their full potential, need to adopt best change management practices and, in particular, study the Russian electric power sector’s experience of reform.
Unlike many other U.S. diasporas, Russian Americans have never had a serious political voice. No Russian-speaking member has ever been elected to Congress, and presidential campaigns have never paid much attention to “Russian” voters – despite the fact that, even according to the official estimates, there are more than 3 million U.S. citizens of Russian origin. IMR Advisor Vladimir Kara-Murza discusses the possibility of “Russian America” developing its own political identity.
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