In this week’s media highlights, Edward Lucas discusses in The Daily Beast the possibility of the World War III between Russia and the West, arguing that Putin is a bully, but he is not insane. In Quartz, Nina Khrushcheva focuses on the existential reasons behind the escalation of the Russia-Turkey conflict—a historical conflict between the Byzantines and Ottomans. Also, Masha Gessen writes in The New Yorker about Boris Yeltsin Presidential Center in Yekaterinburg.
In this week’s media highlights, Akin Unver writes in Foreign Affairs about the long history of the Russia-Turkey conflict that has recently escalated following the downing of the Russian jet by Turkey. The consequences of this conflict have been widely discussed in the expert community. Also, Paul R. Gregory writes in Forbes about the Russian truck drivers’ protest against a new road tax, arguing that this uprising coming from the working class could present a serious threat to the Kremlin.
From November 19 to 22, the Institute of Modern Russia participated in the 47th Annual Convention of the Association of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies (ASEEES) in Philadelphia. IMR hosted two panels, presenting research papers on the Kremlin’s connections in Europe and Russia’s democratic practices online, and holding a roundtable discussion on Russia’s information wars.
In this week’s media highlights, Leonid Bershidsky writes in Bloomberg View about Putin’s motives in the Syria conflict, arguing that he wants to prove to the West he was right to support the Assad regime. Also, Leon Aron writes in The Washington Post about the possibility of a “Russian-wide jihad” due to the rise of radical Islam outside the North Caucasus.
As the Russian economy flounders due to the low price of oil, the possibility of social unrest has risen, leading Putin’s government to clench its grip on the media and the political system. But will its approach backfire as the tension builds? IMR analyst Ezekiel Pfeifer spoke with Dr. Robert Orttung, professor of international affairs at George Washington University, about the Kremlin propaganda machine, Putin’s sky-high approval rating, and the likelihood of revolutionary change in Russia.
The Institute of Modern Russia will participate in the 47th Annual Convention of the Association of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies (ASEEES), which will take place from November 19 to 22 in Philadelphia. This is the Institute’s fourth time participating in the convention, and it will host two panels and a roundtable discussion.
This week, Yury Barmin writes for Carnegie Moscow Center that the Egypt plane crash has put the Kremlin in an awkward position, leaving it unsure how to act. Also, Anna Borshchevskaya in Forbes examines the narcotic effect of Russian propaganda, and posits that a new fix may be needed once the effect of the Syria war wears off.
Moscow is rapidly establishing itself as Europe’s largest state sponsor of separatist movements. But can Russia play this role and at the same time contain secessionist sentiments within its own borders? Independent journalist Konstantin Fischer examines the Kremlin’s precarious double game when it comes to separatism.
On November 3, a subcommittee of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee held a hearing to discuss U.S. strategies for countering the threat of Kremlin propaganda. Five panelists gave testimony regarding the usefulness of U.S. media projects, the Kremlin’s disinformation tactics, and the role of the Internet in dispelling propaganda.
This week, Tatyana Stanovaya writes for Carnegie Moscow Center about Putin’s three kinds of foreign policy advisors: warriors, merchants, and pious believers. Also, Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan write in Foreign Affairs about the Kremlin’s success in pressuring online companies to grant access to user data.
Our newsletter delivers a digest of analytical articles and op-eds published on our website, along with the latest updates on the IMR activities on a monthly basis.