The year 2014 will be an intense one for Russia. In February, Sochi will host the Olympic Games. The G8 summit will also be held in Sochi in June. Ukraine, relations with which are far from settled, will remain the Kremlin’s foreign policy priority. But political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya suggests that it is domestic policy that will prove the most uncertain: Russian President Vladimir Putin will have to choose between a further “crackdown” and “controlled plurality.”
The year 2013 was not an easy one for the United States, and Russian President Vladimir Putin used the situation to strengthen his position both on the world stage and in the post-Soviet space. Donald N. Jensen, Resident Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, argues that the Kremlin should not expect similar diplomatic victories in 2014.
The city of Sochi has been placed under a de facto state of emergency for the duration of the Olympic and Paralympic Games. Author and analyst Alexander Podrabinek emphasizes the unlawful nature of the restrictions imposed by Vladimir Putin, and expresses disappointment over the lack of reaction from Western democracies.
On January 11, 1994, the State Duma of the Russian Federation—the first Russian parliament since 1917 to be elected in a multiparty vote—opened its session in Moscow. On January 14, Ivan Rybkin, who was nominated by leftwing opposition parties, was elected Duma speaker. As the Russian Duma marks its 20th anniversary, IMR Advisor Olga Khvostunova spoke to the former speaker about the experience of the first Duma and the state of the Russian parliament today.
On January 11, 1994, the State Duma of the Russian Federation—the first Russian parliament since 1917 to be elected in a multiparty vote—opened its session in Moscow. As the first Duma marks its 20th anniversary, IMR Senior Advisor Vladimir Kara-Murza recalls its experience—the experience of a parliament that, unlike today’s parody on the Duma, was truly a “place for discussion.”
The Institute of Modern Russia continues its series of articles by Alexander Yanov on the history of Russian nationalism. In this new essay, the author relates that Nicholas I’s reactionary policy brought Russia into a state of absolute paternalism.
Ukraine remains perhaps the most important topic in Russian foreign policy. Although the Kremlin has succeeded in preventing Ukraine from signing its association agreement with the European Union, it has not yet achieved its main objective: making Ukraine join the Customs Union. Ukraine is prepared to be Russia’s friend in words only, while obtaining lower gas prices and cheap loans. According to political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya, the current truce might prove to be temporary.
Terrorism is a global problem that affects dozens of countries in today’s world. But, as author and analyst Alexander Podrabinek notes in this commentary, terrorism in Russia has its own—often unexplainable—“national peculiarities.”
The Institute of Modern Russia continues its series of articles by Alexander Yanov on the history of Russian nationalism. In this new essay, the author explains how the crackdown of the 1825 Decembrist revolt led to the establishment of the public ideology of “state patriotism.”
In December, after a meeting between Vladimir Putin and Viktor Yanukovych, Moscow announced that it would give Kiev a $15 billion bailout and slash the gas price by one-third as a reward for Yanukovych’s rejection of an association agreement with the European Union. Donald N. Jensen, Resident Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, suggests that the coming year will show whether Ukraine now really belongs to Vladimir Putin.
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