After 13 years of Vladimir Putin’s rule over Russia, scholars are still pondering over the real persona of the Kremlin leader. IMR Advisor Boris Bruk analyzes the various studies dedicated to this subject, and draws his own conclusions.
In early March, a pro-Kremlin rally against the adoption of Russian orphans by foreigners took place in Moscow. According to the Interior Ministry, some 12,000 people participated in this event. However, such rallies have little to do with the expression of true public will: they are meticulously staged, and their participants receive monetary compensation. Political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya discusses how and why the Russian government mobilizes crowds.
Last week, in a special address to the IHS CERAWeek Conference in Houston, Texas, Igor Sechin, the president of the Rosneft oil company, majority-owned by the Russian state, unveiled the company’s international strategy, including the development of an oilfield in the Vankor region of Eastern Siberia, which he described as “the largest new oil development project in post-Soviet Russia.” In response to Sechin’s address, IMR President Pavel Khodorkovsky issued the following statement.
The Russian State Duma is considering Kremlin-sponsored amendments to the Civil Code that concern the “protection of honor, dignity and business reputation.” According to IMR Advisor Ekaterina Mishina, a prominent Russian legal expert, these proposals threaten to introduce in Russia the practice of public book-burning once perfected in the Third Reich.
On March 5, Russians observed the sixtieth anniversary of the death of Josef Stalin, with the country divided over whether to view him as a tyrant who butchered millions of people or as a savior who defeated Hitler and transformed the nation into a superpower. Donald N. Jensen, Resident Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, notes that the current Russian regime frequently relies on Stalinist symbols and habits of governance.
On March 2, the Brooklyn Public Library hosted a discussion of Reform or Revolution: The Quest for Responsible Government in the First Russian State Duma, a book by IMR Senior Policy Advisor Vladimir Kara-Murza.
On March 4th, policymakers, analysts, and human rights activists from Russia, the United States, and the European Union, gathered in Washington to discuss the prospects of the West’s relationship with Moscow. The forum entitled “New Approach or Business As Usual?” was co-hosted by the Institute of Modern Russia, the Foreign Policy Initiative, and Freedom House.
François Hollande’s meeting with Vladimir Putin showed that Paris has firmly put human rights issues on the back burner. Author and analyst Alexander Podrabinek concludes that France’s president values corporate solidarity with the Kremlin leader more than his own nation’s interests or basic human decency.
Dmitri Medvedev’s political capitulation that started in September 2011 with Vladimir Putin’s announcement of his return to the Kremlin has reached a new stage. With the diminution of the prime minister’s role, the positions of officials and businesses associated with him have started to crumble. Political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya talks about those who have lost out in the wake of Medvedev’s weakened position.
The new Russian foreign policy concept signed by Vladimir Putin lists the Kremlin’s traditional grievances against the West and promises to rely on “soft power” in international affairs. According to Donald N. Jensen, Resident Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, for all its “soft power,” Russia will be unable to improve its image in the world until it begins to change internally.
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