The Institute of Modern Russia completes a series of articles on the Kremlin’s propaganda machine created to support the regime both internally and beyond its borders. In the first and second installments we spoke about systemic propaganda tools. The third installment will focus on more specialized instruments—structures that may look like democratic institutions, but under closer scrutiny turn out to be empty simulations.
In late March, experts, lawyers, and the opposition were shocked by the insolence of a bill introduced to the State Duma. Document #243734-6 allows Russian citizens to demand compensation through the courts for “foreign courts’ unjust decisions” at the expense of Russian taxpayers. A part of the elite that is worried by the possible requisition of their foreign assets supports this questionable bill. Political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya ponders whether the Kremlin will accommodate these lobbyists.
On April 19–20, the Joint Baltic American National Committee (JBANC) held its 10th annual conference in Washington DC. The key topics of discussion included the deteriorating political and human rights situation in Russia, and the prospects for EU visa sanctions against Russian human rights abusers modeled on the US Magnitsky Act.
In April 1993, the first private notary license was issued in the Russian Federation. After decades of state monopoly, the country acquired a private practice notary system. According to IMR Advisor Ekaterina Mishina, a prominent legal expert, this reform was the most successful of all the reforms carried out in Russia in the last twenty years.
The role of “soft power” in international relations is growing. The creation of a positive image is becoming an integral part of a country’s foreign policy. This has been well understood by the leaders of BRICS countries. However, as IMR Advisor Boris Bruk points out, Russia’s current leadership is unlikely to improve its image in the world while it continues with its current policies.
Despite the lack of strategic interests or benefits, the Russian leadership frequently acts as North Korea’s defender on the world stage. According to author and analyst Alexander Podrabinek, the reason lies in the closeness of values and mentality in Moscow and in Pyongyang.
On April 12, the United States government, complying with the Magnitsky Act, has published a list of Russian officials who are ineligible to receive a US visa or own US assets because of their complicity in human rights violations. While the initial list was more than modest, IMR Senior Policy Advisor Vladimir Kara-Murza notes that its publication has set a number of important precedents—and that the list is by no means final.
Once an arbiter of competing interests and clans within Russia’s ruling elite, Vladimir Putin has firmly embedded himself in the reactionary camp, leading the establishment to think about a possible successor in the Kremlin. Donald N. Jensen, Resident Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, argues that Putin’s hard line may spell his own political demise.
The fight against corruption is a perpetual topic in Russia: it has been discussed for centuries, but almost no one believes that the situation can ever be improved. For the last five years, however, the Russian government seems to have become more involved in the problem. Since last fall, a number of big corruption scandals have broken. Political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya considers whether the fight against corruption is the government's real objective or just another instrument to solve the Kremlin's political problems.
During the past month, hundreds of Russian NGOs—including Memorial, the Public Verdict Foundation, and For Human Rights movement—were inspected by prosecutors. Lev Ponomaryov, head of For Human Rights and a former member of the Russian State Duma, spoke with IMR’s Olga Khvostunova about the reasons for these inspections and their consequences for Russia.
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