Although the economy has without question emerged as a central theme of the 2012 U.S. presidential campaign, foreign policy – particularly policy towards Russia – was a prominent subject at the Republican National Convention in Tampa. Presidential nominee Mitt Romney spoke about Russia in his acceptance speech, the GOP Platform features a section devoted to Russia, and an expert conference during the Convention explored the future of U.S.-Russia relations under a Republican administration.
A recent Sunday Times op-ed on corruption by New York photographer Misha Friedman is essential reading for anyone who lives or runs a business in Russia. "I have been working on this project for the past six months," Friedman writes. "I see corruption as more than something done to people; it is something they participate in. It involves both a resignation to and a justification of a state of iniquity, insecurity and mistrust."
Another politically motivated trial, the so-called case of the “St. Petersburg twelve,” is about to resume in St. Petersburg, Russia. Twelve members of The Other Russia movement are accused of continuing the activities of the banned National Boshevik party. IMR presents an op-ed of Sergei Golubok, Ph.D., defense counsel for one of the accused, Andrei Pesotsky.
On August 17, three Pussy Riot band members were sentenced to two years in prison for their provocative punk prayer performed in Moscow's Christ the Savior Church. The trial, replete with numerous legal violations, and the harsh verdict triggered protests around the world. We feel that the Pussy Riot case represents a crucial link in an extensive chain of crimes committed by the current Russian administration.
The anniversary of the Russian democratic forces' victory over the August 1991 attempted Communist/KGB coup d’état has rekindled a debate on the missed opportunities of the 1990s. Just eight years after the August revolution the putsch organizers’ ideological heirs managed to return to power. Political commentator and historian Vladimir V. Kara-Murza discusses the reasons for the pro-democracy leaders’ post-1991 failure, and the importance of historical lessons for Russia’s present-day opposition.
The recent London Olympics saw an historic first: Russia’s failure to place among the top three countries in gold medals won; the U.S., China, and Great Britain all ranked higher. Elite sports and politics are interconnected, and the Russian team’s letdown highlights the current regime’s shortcomings. IMR's Olga Khvostunova discusses the implications of the Russian authorities’ unfulfilled promises.
The first hundred days of Putin's “new” presidency have been marked by a severe tightening of the screws. Laws on public rallies, defamation, and “foreign agents,” hastily rubberstamped by the Federal Assembly and signed by the President, further restrict civil society’s ability to function. Yet, a significant concession forced on the Kremlin by its opponents at the height of the December protests – liberalized rules for registering political parties – continues to stand, and may even come to fruition this fall. IMR first addressed the resurgence of Russia's opposition parties in Olga Khvostunova's article "Party Renaissance." Historian and political commentator Vladimir V. Kara-Murza discusses Russia’s new multiparty system.
In the past few months, we have witnessed a resurgence of public debate on the rising influence of the Russian Orthodox Church ("ROC") on the Russian political and ideological landscape. On one hand, there are Russians that have increasingly embraced the church's ways of life and observances, with fervent support for its hierarchs' activities. On the other, numerous ROC actions and statements have led to increasing criticism by progressively-minded members of society.
In December of 2011 a new political phenomenon has taken shape in Russia. Its key features include the mobilization of the urban class angered by the increasingly repressive regime, and the confrontation between the actively dissenting minority and the conformist majority of the population. As Russian opposition functioning outside of the official political system is groping for possible ways of action in this new reality, numerous inquiries on ways to organize are surfacing with questions such as: What strategy would work best? Does it make any sense to engage with the Kremlin? Is there a need for a unifying political platform and a united party? Tatyana Stanovaya, IMR advisor and Head of Analytics Department at the Center of Political Technologies, provides us with her insights on, and some answers to these questions.
On July 31st, 2012 the trial of Russian feminist punk band Pussy Riot started in Moscow. The court hearings have attracted a great deal of global attention: the U.S. State Department has called it politically motivated, while many world-famous musical acts, including the Red Hot Chili Peppers and Sting, have voiced their support for the band. For Pussy Riot’s domestic and international supporters, the disproportionate reaction of the Russian authorities to a punk prank, a “prayer against Putin” performed in a Russian Orthodox church, appears ridiculous. Despite the serious charges against them, the punks seem to be stealing the agenda.
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