On September 8, Moscow will hold its mayoral election. Six candidates are vying for the post, but only two can be considered serious contenders: the incumbent, Sergei Sobyanin, and anticorruption campaigner Alexei Navalny. As in previous years, a part of the opposition is calling for a boycott of the vote. IMR Senior Policy Advisor Vladimir Kara-Murza suggests that this tactic is both misguided and counterproductive.
July 18, 2013—conviction day for Russian nonsystemic opposition leader Alexei Navalny—has been called the point of no return in the course of deteriorating relations between the authorities and society. This decision provoked the first unauthorized mass spontaneous protest in Putin’s Russia in downtown Moscow, with thousands of people coming out into the central streets of the capital. Political scientist Tatyana Stanovaya examines the political consequences of the Kirov court’s decision.
On July 18th, the Kirov Court predictably sentenced Alexei Navalny to five years in prison. But the next day Navalny was released after the prosecution appealed the court’s decision. According to writer and analyst Alexander Podrabinek, the government gave the oppositionist one last chance to leave the country.
The Russian government has passed many laws that limit criticism. Under the cover of fighting for eternal values, the builders of the new authoritarianism have adopted a cynical approach to achieving their political goals. Author and analyst Alexander Podrabinek reasons through the regime’s myths and insecurities.
Russian oligarch Roman Abramovich has recently resigned from his post as chairman of the legislature in the Chukotka autonomous district in the Russian Far East, bringing to an end one of the oddest political pairings in Russian politics. As Donald N. Jensen, resident fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, points out, this resignation is another sign of a broader Kremlin campaign to consolidate its grip on power.
The criminal nature of Putin’s government and his circle is obvious to many. Today, Putin openly demonstrates the direction in which the regime is moving—to further tightening of the screws. However, as author and analyst Alexander Podrabinek points out, opposition still retains a good chance to maintain a dignified resistance.
At the end of June, the Russian media reported that first deputy head of the Central Bank Alexei Ulyukayev was appointed as the new Economy Minister, while Andrei Belousov, who used to occupy this post, became the new presidential aide. Earlier this year, former presidential aide Elvira Nabiullina was approved as the new head of Central Bank by the State Duma. The Kremlin tends to keep the public in the dark regarding personnel decisions until the last moment, but in this case premature leaks indicate that Putin did not make these decisions easily. Political scientist Tatiana Stanovaya investigates the Kremlin’s approach to personnel sorting.
On June 19th, Vladimir Yakunin, head of Russian Railways, found himself in an awkward situation: Russian government's press service announced his resignation. Half an hour later, this news was declared false. Donald N. Jensen, Resident Fellow at the Center for Transatlantic Relations at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, discusses various versions of what had happened to Mr Yakunin.
The G-8 summit held at Lough Erne Resort in Northern Ireland resulted in a compromise on the Syrian issue. This happened despite the fact that Moscow was initially unwilling to compromise on key issues of the Syrian crisis. Political analyst Tatiana Stanovaya talks about why Putin showed unexpected flexibility.
In June, former Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov, co-leader of the Republican Party of Russia–People’s Freedom Party (RPR–PARNAS), visited the United States. In an interview with IMR Advisor Olga Khvostunova, Kasyanov discussed the opposition’s plans for the new political season and shared his views on the situation in Russia.
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